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Hi, everyone, This is Carmen and Christina and this is
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so known a podcast where we talk to professors. Ah no,
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it's a podcast, Yes, a podcast where we talk about
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lain American history. Sometimes it's horrible and deals with eavy
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topics like cracism, corruption, and genocide. But more than that,
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it's also about power, resistance and community. And today we
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had the chance the opportunity to talk to Urban Ibarguen,
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a professional historian born and raised in Brooklyn, New York.
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He is a history professor at New York University, where
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he teaches courses on US and immigration history. Urban's research
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proceeds from one question, what happens when we stop prioritizing
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how immigration impacts the United States and instead grapple with
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how sending states, transit states, and migrants themselves experienced it.
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And we're talking with him about his first book, Caught
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in the Current Mexico Struggled to Regulate Emigration nineteen forty
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to nineteen eighty And what a fascinating conversation it was
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absolutely Yeah. I don't know, I think everyone needs to
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read this book. It I don't even think it was
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like because you know how some academic books like are
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too academic. Yeah, I didn't really feel like that. I
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had a good time reading it. I didn't have to
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I did have to look up some words, but it
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wasn't like other books where I'm reading it, I'm like,
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what the hell did I just say?
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It was easy to understand.
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Yeah, And if you're listening to this, like this topic
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is will interest you no matter what, Like there's you
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have to get this book, yes, and to us, we
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touch on some of these things in our conversation with Irvin,
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but the book touches and so much that we've talked about.
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You know, obviously US imperialism and their demand for cheap labor, right,
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but also like during Mexico's grapple with emigration, right, they're
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also considering US imperialism in Central America and how that
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the optics of that and how they're you know, are
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they going to condemn us in intervention in Guatemala? Like
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things like that, which was super interesting to read about. Right,
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you could pull out a Bingo card and then like
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see what we've talked about, because you know what else
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popped up? That's what I was waiting for you to say,
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Si sem Travis, Yes Kissinger Kissinger who is actually on
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our bingo card.
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I think if he's not here, show me.
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But yeah, I definitely check that book out and hopefully
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you enjoy this conversation we have with urban. All Right,
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Hi everyone, this is Carmen and Christina.
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Hi everyone, I'm Ervin Bargwin, professor of history at NYU.
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Yes, we have a professor with us today, Yes, profet. Well,
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let's just jump right into our topic. Irvin here is
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going to be sharing with us about his book Caught
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in the Current and Mexico's I guess struggle with immigration
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and all the stories involved with that.
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Yeah, broadly, I guess the story is does center the
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Mexican government, mostly because that's where I found new sources.
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You know, as a historian, basically we like we're really
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dependent upon what we find in archives and that sort
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of thing. So for me, the story really began in
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grad school. I went to the two hundred. Other than that,
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in Mexico City. I got to read all these memos
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and internal conversations that Mexican politicians were having in the
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forties and fifties and sixties about Mexican migration, and I
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was really surprised what I found there, Right, because kind
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of Usually the story is that, you know, Mexico is
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happy to see people go. Right, this kind of very
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signical interpretation, right, that the Mexican state uses it as
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a safety valve, right to release pressures related to unemployment
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and political turmo and that sort of thing. And so
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that's really colored the way I think historians and just
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the general public really thinks about places like Mexico.
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Right.
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In some ways, Mexico is just kind of like a
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anchor for the larger way in which I think Americans
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think about the global South and developing world. Right, they
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basically think that these countries take advantage of America, right,
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that you know, America is like a dumping ground that
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the global South uses.
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Right.
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So you see this this theory, though it's academic theory,
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the safety about theory, it basically gets replicated by like
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Donald Trump, right where he says, you know, the shipthole
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country centers there their worst, right, that's basically the safety
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valut theory, just in like colloquial speaker. And so that's
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why I was so struck when I went to the
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archives and I noticed, actually that's not the full story, right, Yes,
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you do have this impulse within Mexico to release some
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of its population abroad because they anticipate that they can
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work in the US and gain higher wages and that
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sort of thing. But it's always a very careful kind
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of hedging process, right. They recognize it's kind of like
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a devil's bargain, right, like, yes, you know, yes we
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were able to send these people north, but then that
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exposes us to a variety of blowback.
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And so in the book I talk about some of
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that blowback. You know.
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The first is that it creates kind of chaos internally
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with the Mexico because basically a lot of people Before
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you get to leave, you have to actually move within Mexico.
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You have to move from Central Mexico to north northern Mexico.
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And a lot of time, these northern Mexican towns are
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not ready for tens of thousands of people to just
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show up kind of unannounced, right, And so there's this
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kind of institutional lag where like some of these towns
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in northern Mexico they don't even have like a public
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hospital or anything like that and infrastructure to really receive
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migration and act as a staging ground for the international migration.
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The second big challenges of course that there does come
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a point where yes, you're sending people abroad, but then
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you're depleting your local industries, your national industries of labor.
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Right.
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And of course the great irony is that in northern Mexico,
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basically the same crops that grow in southern California and
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Texas they grow also on northern Mexican side.
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Right, It's kind of one united geography.
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And so you know, throughout the forties fifty sixties, you
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see you know, oligarchs and corporations along northern Mexico basically complaining,
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right that this migration is a terrible idea because they
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could use that labor too. Right, It's not not just
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America that can use this quote unquote cheap labor. They
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will want a little bit of that too. Last, and
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the most important reason for the Mexican state really to
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be concerned with migration is that it creates a reputational damage, right,
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the ruling party of the pri part of it's kind
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of like, you know, claim to popularity is that it's
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supposed to be the champion of the average Mexican peasant.
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Right.
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Of course, it's hard to claim that when you are
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sending people abroad to be abused in the United States, right,
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And so that ends up being kind of one of
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the main reasons why the Mexican state at times really
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has to kind of like reckon with the devil's bargain
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and say, you know, I actually, perhaps it may be
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in our best interest to experiments with countermigratory strategies, right
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to keep people at home rather than have them go abroad.
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And so the book basically goes into that the way
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in which Mexico basically sits on the fence throughout most
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most of the twenty twenty century sometimes kind of wanted
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wanting to dip their toe in this kind of realm
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of facilitating migration and then kind of getting scared right
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and pulling back right because that to me is actually
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the story, right, And ultimately, of course as a title
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gestures that they of course fail caught in the current.
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Really it's meant to evoke the way in which, you know,
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it's not just American politicians that talk about migration that's
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flows that they can be controlled. We also see the
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same thing in Mexico, right. The discourse in the forties, fifties,
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sixties is to think about migration that's fluholes that can
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be directed internally, and they you know, the Spanish show
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gets really poetic with the language and all that sort
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of stuff, But basically it's the same image of the
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same fantasy of migration control, this idea that you can
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open it and close it and calibrate it however you want,
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whenever you want.
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Right.
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We know that that's the story on the American side, right,
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because we live it. You know, America is always like
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either going opening borders or closing borders and kind of
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like stuck in this perpetual pendulum. But the same thing
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happens in Mexico r and the same thing happens across
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the global salid Right, people basically change their mi Right,
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we just haven't allowed for that kind of variability because
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we have these kind of arrogant takes on the global South.
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They're like, yeah, yeah, yeah, of course, of course they
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would just want people to leave. Well, yeah, sure, they
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want to at some point they entertain the possibility that
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that might be a mutually beneficial thing. But there are
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concrete moments right where the Mexican state again because it
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is an authoritarian state, because it is very concerned about
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its image, not because it actually cares about people, but
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just because it's concerned about it, right, does pull back.
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So that's again where I went into archives and I
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found you know, it's not that I looked for them,
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it's just they're really boxes and boxes and stuff. And
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so that's really what stood out to me. And again
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it's not just the Mexican state as a Mexican American.
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What struck me the most were the wide cross section
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of people across Mexican society. I'm talking about like labor organizations, peasants, syndicates,
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peasant organizations, competine organizations, business lobbies, all of which were
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like actively writing in the forties and fifties to the
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Mexican government laying out their blueprint for how they thought
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Mexico could solve the migratory crisis.
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Right, These particular.
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Concern and effected communities, right felt that migration itself was
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this kind of humiliation, and so for that reason they
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often volunteered right their ideas. Right, I think I think
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that's a very interesting like the kind of policies that
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come out of that are suggestions to me were so fascinating,
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right because they were always very like, very concrete and
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very specific in their diagnoses of what was wrong with Mexico,
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like the pots themselves, they were kind of talking in
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general terms about, you know, we need to invest more
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in the fields and this kind of stuff would you expect,
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whereas the effect of the communities would be like, no,
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you know, we would stay if you know, if there
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was just less corruption inside the organization that redistribute to hetos,
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if you would just kind of speed up the paperwork
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and get us our heato, we would actually stay here.
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You don't have to like do anything crazy. All you
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gotta do is literally just make sure that paperwork gets
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tout quickly, and we'll stay. Business organizations have their ideas.
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They say, you know, the problem that elicited Mexican migration
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is that so many Mexicans are involved in agriculture, and
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that's very seasonal endeavor, and so obviously in the off
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season they have to go abroad. So wouldn't it be
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great if we volunteer some of our fields in northern
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Mexico for like a year long kind of production. So
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they're talking about, for example, example, like having hend farms,
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hend farms that would produce eggs a year round. Because
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they thought the problem was less that it was less
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some kind of like huge chasm between the poor and
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the rich America and Mexico and more the kind of
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the seasonal rhythms of things, right, So they were like,
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how do we create a society that's permanently employed a year.
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Long that way people don't have to go abroad.
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So anyway, that's what really kind of struck me is
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the fact that basically in the forty fifty sixties, I
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don't know today really, but like it's definitely the forty
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fifty sixties when this migration is first taking off and
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people still understand it as something that can be contained
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and malleable. They do have ideas about it. Now, of course,
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it's like, you know, there's like ten plus million Mexicans
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in the US, so you see less of that now.
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It's more about like how do we get the remittances
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bag and this kind of thing? Right, Like we're like
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too far gone, right, Aspa's so big that they can't
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there's no like plausible solution to the thing. Now, it's
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just a fact of life that this is how it's organized.
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There's no like solving it or you know, this is
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just kind of like we're in a completely different era.
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But for me, that's what was fascinating, kind of going
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to this moment where there's still a moment of possibility
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in the world, right, and the moment of possibility for
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Mexico to structure itself in a way that will not
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lead to migration. But of course it doesn't come to
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pass for a variety of reasons. And you know, if
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you guys won't we can talk about concrete stories and
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that sort of thing.
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Yeah, it was super interesting to read about all the
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different ways that Mexico tried to, I guess, put a
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stop to out migration. It was the first time I
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really read something from Mexico's point of view in trying